Nearly five decades ago, Iran's far-left intelligentsia allied with Islamists to overthrow the country's pro-Western leader, Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi. Their vision was for a fairer society, moving away from the Shah's capitalist and modernizing agenda. However, this socialist dream devolved into a nightmare when Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, once supported by the left, established a theocratic dictatorship, ultimately persecuting his former allies.
Experts now express concern that a similar pattern may be emerging in Western nations, particularly in the United States and the United Kingdom. University campuses are witnessing a surge in anti-Israel activism, with Jewish groups reporting a rise in antisemitism. In the UK, the Green Party has been noted for shifting its focus from environmental issues to appealing to Muslim communities and pro-Palestine protesters. Some former Green Party candidates have reportedly shared images associated with Hamas and used slogans such as ‘Resistance is freedom.’
Dr. Shahrar Ali, a former deputy leader of the UK Green Party, stated that he no longer recognizes the organization due to a growth in membership and a perceived shift in its political agenda. He believes that dogmatic ideologies, particularly certain strands of political Islam, present challenges to liberal democracies, which he sees as inherently secular. Ali cites examples like large public gatherings for prayer in civic spaces, such as Trafalgar Square during Ramadan and Eid, as encroaching on the public sphere and potentially becoming oppressive or obstructive.
Ali also suggests that the Green Party's electoral success in areas like the Gorton and Denton by-election, where a significant number of Muslim voters shifted from Labour, was partly due to the party "milking" its "Islamist credentials"—a tactic he considers "deeply cynical." He argues this approach involves suppressing core Green Party policies, such as LGBTQ+ inclusivity and the decriminalization of sex work, to appeal to voters with more conservative social attitudes. This, he contends, artificially amplifies an Islamist outlook for electoral gain.
Concerns are also raised about the impact of political Islam on social issues in the UK. Ali warns that it could imperil sex education curricula in schools and potentially increase homophobia, leading to a societal bifurcation where core ideas about citizenship are not shared. He fears that homophobia could become institutionalized in certain schools and communities.
The historical context of the Iranian revolution is drawn from the 1953 coup, orchestrated by Britain and the CIA, which ousted Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadegh after he nationalized the oil industry. This led to the reinstatement of Pahlavi. Khomeini, in exile, distributed revolutionary tapes, gaining support from intellectuals like Jean-Paul Sartre and Michel Foucault, promising freedom while subtly laying the groundwork for a different future. Post-revolution, promises of freedom were quickly eroded. The compulsory hijab was imposed, women lost rights, and Sharia law was implemented. Khomeini's regime systematically persecuted political opponents, including left-wing militants, culminating in mass executions.
Fiyaz Mughal OBE, founder of Faith Matters, distinguishes between Islam as a faith and political Islam, which he describes as "destructive and poisonous." He notes a hardening of Islamic interpretations over the past two centuries, influenced by powers like Saudi Arabia and the Iranian revolution, which he believes led to an "ultra-conservative brittleness." Mughal also highlights how the term 'Islamophobia' is sometimes used to silence legitimate critiques of this political ideology, a phenomenon he attributes partly to Western leftists who, he argues, are unaware of the ideologies they are embracing.
Both Ali and Mughal point to a rise in anti-Jewish sentiment linked to the perceived alliance between the left and certain Islamist factions. They cite incidents involving Green Party candidates accused of antisemitic remarks and the arrests of candidates for allegedly stirring up racial hatred. The response to Hamas's October 7th attack and the subsequent conflict in Gaza has been scrutinized, with accusations that some in the Green Party have aligned themselves "unquestioningly with a more dangerous strand of political Islam" by failing to condemn atrocities committed by Islamist terrorists and by remaining silent on the actions of Hamas.
Commentators express worry that contemporary social activists have not internalized the lessons of the Iranian revolution. Dr. Burcu Ozcelik, a fellow at the Royal United Services Institute, notes that the Western left often has a "misinformed understanding" of the Islamic Republic of Iran, sometimes appearing to condone the regime or act as apologists. This fascination, she suggests, stems from the Iranian revolutionary actors' historical use of language around social justice, anti-capitalism, and anti-imperialism, which continues to resonate with some on the left, particularly when intertwined with pro-Palestine sentiment.
Jonathan Hackett, a former US intelligence operator, observes similar trends on American university campuses, where anti-war protesters sometimes misattribute internal Iranian human rights issues to external U.S.-Israeli operations. Lord Walney, former UK anti-extremism tsar, warns that the rise of sectarianism in British politics, driven by parties seeking electoral advantage through identity politics, risks increasing division and is exploited by hostile states like Russia and the Islamic Republic. Experts like Dr. Ben Gidley suggest the Iranian regime actively infiltrates and influences leftist and pro-Palestine networks in the UK, promoting antisemitic ideas.