Federal records indicate that China has engaged in substantial influence operations within the United States, with Chinese government entities and state-controlled media organizations spending nearly $80 million on activities designed to shape American policy, public opinion, and commercial interests. These efforts, detailed in filings under the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) and the Lobbying Disclosure Act (LDA), represent a multi-front push by Beijing to advance its agenda in the U.S.
While not all Chinese influence operations are publicly disclosed, the documented expenditures provide a partial view of Beijing's strategy. Private entities based in China and Hong Kong, many with ties to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), have spent over $20 million on FARA-registered activities in recent years, alongside millions more in LDA filings for lobbying efforts framed as commercial interests. Chinese government sources alone accounted for close to $80 million in FARA expenses during the same period.
Some influence channels operate outside of public disclosure requirements. Campus groups linked to the Chinese government, such as the Chinese Students and Scholars Association, do not file with the Department of Justice. Similarly, organizations affiliated with China’s United Front Work Department, a global network aimed at promoting Beijing's interests abroad, are not required to disclose their activities due to their clandestine nature. Concerns have also been raised by some lawmakers about potential links between certain domestic non-profits and the CCP, providing another avenue for influence.
A significant component of China's influence strategy involves its state-run media apparatus, frequently described by U.S. government and academic sources as a propaganda operation. The State Department estimated in 2023 that China dedicates billions of dollars annually to foreign information manipulation. Five Chinese media operations are registered as active foreign agents in the U.S., including CCTV, Xinhua News, and China Daily, which have direct affiliations with the CCP. Sing Tao News Corporation, though privately owned, consistently adopts a pro-Beijing stance in its reporting. CGTN America, CCTV's flagship English-language outlet, received $66.8 million in funding from CCTV between February and November 2025, representing a substantial portion of China's foreign influence budget.
Federal records show that CGTN amplified rhetoric aligning with certain Democratic political positions in 2025, focusing on issues such as climate change, racial tensions, immigration, and the conflict in Gaza, while criticizing former President Trump's trade policies and law enforcement initiatives. Academic research suggests that CGTN's objective is not necessarily to sway voters but to portray the U.S. as poorly governed and a destabilizing international force, contrasting it with a China presented as well-governed and a rising superpower.
The "China lobby" also involves significant spending on American lobbyists. Dozens of lobbyists have signed new contracts with Chinese-owned companies since 2025. FARA registrations list seven Chinese companies—Huawei, BOE Technology America, Yangtze Memory Technologies, XH Smart Tech China, Hikvision, Futurewei Technologies, and JinkoSolar—as active foreign agents. Hikvision, a video surveillance equipment manufacturer facing U.S. sanctions for alleged involvement in the repression of Uyghur Muslims, has paid American lobbyists millions to advocate for the removal of these restrictions. Its FARA disclosures provide public access to materials distributed to policymakers and records of contacts made, including a slideshow presented to Pentagon and Department of Commerce officials in October 2024.
Many Chinese companies utilize the LDA for lobbying, which requires less stringent disclosures compared to FARA. This includes controversial Chinese-owned agriculture companies, major competitors to American industries, state-owned enterprises, and firms identified by the Department of War as working on behalf of China’s People’s Liberation Army. Tencent, a technology conglomerate recently added to the Pentagon’s list of "Chinese military companies," has spent over $10 million on lobbying since 2025. The company has stated its belief that its inclusion on the list is a mistake and intends to pursue a reconsideration process.
Some Chinese companies, including those on the Pentagon's military company list, have lobbied on matters related to American national security. Critics, such as Senator Tom Cotton, have accused some Chinese entities of using the LDA to evade the stricter disclosure requirements of FARA.
Beyond direct political influence, China also invests in promoting trade, tourism, and investment with the U.S. The China Council for the Promotion of International Trade (CCPIT), for instance, receives substantial funding from Beijing to facilitate bilateral trade and economic cooperation. While CCPIT presents its operations as standard trade promotion, China hawks argue that such entities may serve dual purposes. The Jamestown Foundation and Sinopis research project suggest that organizations like CCPIT are used to forge relationships with foreign officials and business groups to advance Chinese economic and geopolitical objectives, with U.S. intelligence previously identifying CCPIT as a united front entity supporting PRC diplomatic goals.
Despite these documented influence efforts, President Trump has invited Chinese President Xi Jinping to the U.S. to discuss artificial intelligence and bilateral relations in September.