Robert Redford, who died Sept. 16 at 89, almost failed to bring one of his most consequential films to the screen: All the President’s Men, the 1976 dramatization of The Washington Post’s reporting that helped expose the Watergate scandal.

Redford purchased the film rights and pushed to make the picture after hearing journalists discuss the 1972 break-in at the Democratic National Committee and becoming convinced the story deserved a careful cinematic treatment. But the project faltered for years as Post editors and reporters worried about turning their work into a Hollywood product and resisted allowing their newsroom to be depicted on film.

Redford’s interest in the story dated to the early 1970s, before Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein’s reporting became a national sensation. He told TIME in 1976 that he first became absorbed by the Watergate coverage after overhearing reporters at a press junket for his film The Candidate speculate about the break-in. He later contacted Woodward and Bernstein when the pair were still struggling for traction on the investigation. Redford said he wanted to see them “when they had bottomed out,” according to the TIME account.

He bought the rights to the story for $450,000 and hired William Goldman, the screenwriter of Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid, to adapt the reporting. Early drafts, however, put a comic and crude spin on newsroom life that alarmed Post executives. Ben Bradlee, then executive editor of The Washington Post, worried that Goldman’s approach caricatured the paper and its journalists. “Why the hell should we trust Robert Redford?” Bradlee recalled asking, reflecting the newsroom’s initial skepticism about turning its work into a movie.

The Post’s hesitation reflected two concerns: accuracy and reputation. Reporters and editors feared that Hollywood would flatten complex reporting into melodrama or turn journalists into stock characters. Woodward and Bernstein initially kept their distance; Bernstein later recalled telling colleagues it would be dangerous to be seen talking to Hollywood for fear of political repercussions.

To address those concerns, Redford took a hands-on approach. He shadowed reporters at The Washington Post to learn how they worked, tightened the script’s focus on reporting techniques and the sources that made the story possible, and encouraged the cast to rehearse and improvise in ways that reflected newsroom practice. Redford also maintained frequent contact with Woodward and Bernstein, calling them five or six times a day during production to check details and ensure the film’s fidelity to their reporting.

Those efforts eased the paper’s reservations and altered the tone of the screenplay. Goldman’s initial, broader approach gave way to a tighter, methodical portrayal of investigative journalism that emphasized reporting methods rather than melodrama. The production’s emphasis on verisimilitude extended to casting. Robert Redford portrayed Woodward and Dustin Hoffman played Bernstein; the film’s restrained visual style and reliance on dialogue and procedure were widely noted by critics.

When All the President’s Men was released in 1976, Woodward and Bernstein approved of the result. Woodward told TIME that the film “is pretty damned true” and that it taught him “something about my business.” Bernstein said the filmmakers had done “a spectacular reporting job” in winning the reporters’ trust and translating their work to the screen.

The film was both a commercial and critical success. It grossed about $70 million at the box office and won four Academy Awards, including an Oscar for the screenplay. Beyond trophies and receipts, the movie became a touchstone for how popular culture could dramatize investigative journalism without sacrificing procedure and detail, reinforcing public understanding of how reporters cultivate sources and verify information.

All the President’s Men arrived amid a broader reassessment of American institutions prompted by Watergate. The book by Woodward and Bernstein had helped fuel public scrutiny of the Nixon administration after the 1972 break-in at the Democratic National Committee headquarters. The film arrived in that context and, by dramatizing the painstaking work of reporters, contributed to a narrative of journalism as a check on power.

For Redford, the movie marked a transition from star to auteur-producer-director who sought to shape political storytelling on screen. It followed a string of high-profile acting roles — including The Way We Were and The Sting — that had made him one of Hollywood’s most sought-after performers by the mid-1970s. The success of All the President’s Men reinforced his credibility in projects with a civic dimension and demonstrated the degree to which filmmakers must earn the trust of those whose lives and work they portray.

Decades later, the film remains a frequently cited cinematic account of investigative reporting and a defining entry in Redford’s career. Its production history illustrates the tensions between journalistic integrity and cinematic storytelling and the lengths to which filmmakers may go to reconcile them.

Redford’s death on Sept. 16 prompted renewed attention to his filmography and to the near-collapse and ultimate triumph of All the President’s Men, a film that helped shape public perceptions of the Watergate era and of the role of a free press in American democracy.