A new ideological battleground has emerged on the American right, focused on what is termed "Third Worldism." Conservative influencers and figures within the Trump administration have increasingly identified this doctrine as a significant threat, characterizing it as a rising force on the left aimed at undermining American interests. The State Department, in a report on Cuba, described Havana as a center for this ideology, suggesting it seeks to foment revolution within the United States.
Prominent conservatives, including Chris Rufo and Ben Shapiro, have publicly warned about "Third Worldism," with Rufo calling it a more serious threat than "woke" ideology. Reihan Salam of the Manhattan Institute has cited New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani as an example of this trend, although Mamdani and other Democrats rarely use the term to describe their own political views.
Critics argue that conservatives are employing "Third Worldism" as an ill-defined concept, similar to "critical race theory," to discredit the left and serve as a catch-all for right-wing grievances. However, proponents of this critique suggest that there is a discernible, though small, strain of leftist thought that appears to valorize America's adversaries. This perspective has been amplified following recent global events, such as the October 7th attacks and the subsequent conflict in Gaza, which some observers argue has allowed "third worldist" logic to merge with decolonial discourse.
Defining "Third Worldism"
The term "third world" originated in the mid-20th century, distinguishing countries not aligned with either the capitalist "first world" or the Communist "second world." Early forms of "third worldism," like the Non-Aligned Movement, focused on solidarity among post-colonial states. A distinctly Marxist interpretation emerged in the 1960s and 70s, inspired by communist regimes in the Global South such as China and Cuba. This iteration shifted the focus of revolutionary activity to armed movements in the Global South and minority-led groups within capitalist nations, influenced by figures like Frantz Fanon.
This ideology, often lacking a single spokesperson or definitive text, is described by some as a pejorative term used on the left. However, conservative interpretations, such as those from Zineb Riboua of the Hudson Institute, posit that "third worldism" is cultivated by anti-American governments and leftist intellectuals. Riboua suggests that in this viewpoint, groups like Hamas are seen as legitimate expressions of national liberation struggles, and opposition to Israel is framed as a moral gesture against the United States. This perspective is further argued to extend beyond foreign policy, influencing domestic issues like university hiring and border policy, with "decolonization" being interpreted as a push for internal demolition of American institutions.
Conservative rhetoric often connects "third worldism" to a perceived shift on the left from social issues to a desire for political power to transform institutions. This is sometimes accompanied by language that critics describe as racialized, with accusations of "plundering" and "piracy" leveled against figures like Mayor Mamdani.
Conservative Critique and Leftist Examples
Critics contend that the conservative application of "third worldism" has devolved into a broad insult, often laced with racial undertones, rather than a precise geopolitical analysis. While Zohran Mamdani is acknowledged as a socialist with pro-Palestine leanings, there is no evidence presented to suggest he harbors anti-American or pro-Hamas sentiments. His mayoral focus has been on quality-of-life issues, and his public statements, including a July 4th address, have been characterized as patriotic.
The tactic of rebranding left-wing ideas, as seen with "critical race theory," is viewed by some as a precedent for the current focus on "third worldism." Chris Rufo, previously a key figure in the CRT discourse, admitted to using such terms as political warfare to shape public perception. This approach is seen as a continuation of a long-standing right-wing strategy of using fears of foreign subversion to delegitimize opponents.
However, historians and some leftists acknowledge that certain figures and factions within the American left do exhibit characteristics that align with the conservative definition of "third worldism." Streamer Hasan Piker, who has expressed admiration for the Chinese Communist Party and support for Hamas, is cited as an example. Neville Roy Singham, a businessman who has funded leftist causes and is described as defending China's propaganda, is another figure mentioned. Additionally, the International Caucus of the DSA and the group Students for Justice in Palestine have been noted for celebrating authoritarian governments and praising the October 7th attacks, respectively. Darializa Avila Chevalier, a Democratic primary candidate, is also pointed to for retweeting praise for figures like Ho Chi Minh and Fidel Castro.
Acknowledging and Addressing the Trend
Some within the left, including socialist historian Arash Azizi, acknowledge "negative third worldism" as a serious trend. Bhaskar Sunkara, president of The Nation magazine, while skeptical of the "third worldist" label, has expressed concern over certain factions within the DSA deviating from core democratic principles and has critiqued pro-October 7th statements as "morally questionable."
Despite these acknowledgments, the extent of "third worldist" influence is widely seen as overstated by the right. Views aligning with this ideology are reportedly controversial within leftist circles, and the left does not currently dominate the Democratic Party. The precise diagnosis, some argue, is that while "third worldist" views are becoming more visible due to electoral successes in specific areas, their overall reach remains limited.
Even if figures like Mamdani do not fit the "third worldist" label, they may operate within coalitions that include individuals who do. This dynamic, where different factions within a broader movement hold differing worldviews, is common in politics. As with the Republican Party's relationship with white nationalists, Democrats face the challenge of how to address these ideological currents within their broader coalition, a process that begins with acknowledging their existence.