Some within the Democratic party express concern that the party lacks sufficiently masculine candidates, particularly following recent presidential election losses and the Republican party's association with a "manosphere." This anxiety has led to a search for candidates perceived as embodying traditional masculinity, leading some to focus on figures like Graham Platner, the Democratic nominee for Maine's Senate seat.

Platner has been described approvingly as "tatted up, ex-Marine riff-raff," with commentator James Carville suggesting that a "fucked up" combat veteran might be precisely what is needed on the Senate floor. Other figures like Sebastian Junger have noted Platner's perceived toughness. However, Platner has yet to demonstrate success in a general election.

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani, conversely, has achieved significant electoral victories. During the 2025 New York City mayoral election, Mamdani saw increased registration and a 50-year high in general election turnout. Exit polls indicated he secured half of the male vote, more than any other candidate, and gained support from 9 percent of 2024 Trump voters. His political influence was further demonstrated when his get-out-the-vote efforts contributed to the primary victories of three Democratic Socialists of America allies.

Mamdani himself presents a masculine image, characterized by his Carhartt attire, marathon running, beard, and engagement with sports, including a basketball-themed campaign ad and appearances on "manosphere" podcasts discussing physical fitness and online culture. Analysts have used terms like "muscled," "power broker," and "kingmaker" to describe his political style. Hasan Piker, a streaming star, described Mamdani as "just a dude." Pawan Dhingra, a sociologist at Amherst College, noted Mamdani's vision as "incredibly bold and in your face," attributes he considers traditionally masculine.

Dhingra suggests that the discussion about attracting men to the Democratic party conflates the "male vote" with the "masculine vote." Mamdani, he argues, has successfully captured the male vote, whereas the "masculine vote" is more abstract and tied to a specific, often white, working-class, and patriarchal notion of masculinity. Platner, with his military background and history in manual labor, fits this stereotype more closely than Mamdani, who attended a liberal arts college and was a campus activist and comedian. Even Mamdani's interest in soccer is seen by some as coded as "suspiciously European," further distancing him from the perceived ideal of American masculinity.

Dhingra also points to a broader societal tendency to equate masculinity with white maleness, noting that conversations about the "crisis of masculinity" often focus on the struggles of white men, while issues disproportionately affecting Black men, such as mass incarceration, are framed primarily as racial problems rather than crises of manhood.

While policy differences, such as Mamdani's stance on Israel compared to Platner's opposition to U.S. aid, could be a factor for some voters, Dhingra posits that Mamdani's perceived lack of "masculinity" in media discussions is largely influenced by his non-whiteness. He notes that stereotypes of South Asian American men have evolved, with figures like Mamdani and tech CEOs now complicating older perceptions.

Ultimately, the narrow definition of masculinity often promoted in political discourse can be limiting. Dhingra argues that masculinity encompasses diverse dimensions and that leaders like Mamdani, who leverage their charisma to connect with and protect others, represent a valuable, albeit often overlooked, model for the Democratic party. Democrats, he suggests, have an opportunity to embrace figures like Mamdani and cultivate political talent that may not fit the traditional white working-class profile but can effectively engage with a broad base of voters.